SHEARING IS NEARING
Edwin Vieira, Jr., Ph.D., J.D.
This Commentary is not the first place wherein I have proposed two basic steps by which We the People can begin to reassert self-government over their country before it is too late. Now that even mainstream economists foretell how the impending crisis of the fiscal gap could easily lead to hyperinflation, these recommendations have become all the more credible and urgent.
I emphasize a bipartite approach to the problem, not simply because I cannot think of anything better at the present moment, but also because I cannot foresee anything worse than what is coming. After all, hyperinflation will lead to economic chaos; economic chaos will lead to a police state—and a police state means the end of America, both as a nation and as a realizable ideal. That you can take to the bank with as much confidence as trepidation.
In my estimation, any plan that could possibly prove sufficient must: (i) mitigate the worst effects of the monetary crisis America’s “public servants” have apparently made unavoidable as a consequence of the fiscal gap they have created; and (ii) fend off the centralized paramilitary police state with which those “public servants” intend to clamp down on America when the crisis hits. For if hyperinflation does devastate this country’s economy before a police state is set up, all too many Americans will welcome some variety of “strong-man regime” that inevitably degenerates into a police state anyway. Whereas, if this country’s present clutch of “public servants” completes the construction of a police state first, they will surely understand how to use it to force Americans to swallow the worst consequences of hyperinflation—thereby making certain the hyperinflation that they imagine will save their and (more importantly) their controllers’ bacon. That is, not only will hyperinflation lead to economic chaos, and economic chaos lead to a police state, but also a police state will lead to hyperinflation and economic chaos. Which means that, if nothing good is done, Americans will have to endure everything bad, by suffering all three of these calamities. Therefore, the steps I recommend are necessary. Whether they will turn out to be sufficient solutions depends more upon you than upon me. That you can take or leave at your own peril.
To forefend an hyperinflationary monetary explosion, or (perhaps more realistically) to dilute its worst consequences when it does goes off, average Americans must return the States, or some of the States, or even just one State (as an exemplar for others) to silver and gold currency, the only politically honest, market-based media of exchange. The particular model I have designed is “the State electronic gold currency bill,” which can be found, along with various explanatory materials, at [www.goldmoneybill.org].This bill was drafted specifically for New Hampshire; but with a little creative editing it can be modified to work in any State. Someone else may be able to craft a better bill, or come up with a better model altogether. In any event, something of this kind needs to be enacted into law somewhere. And soon. But only unrelenting grass-roots pressure can make that happen. And only zealous grass-roots organization can generate that pressure.
To prepare preemptively to deal with the economic chaos accompanying hyperinflation, and especially to deter the politicos in the Disgrace of Columbia from using economic chaos as an excuse to fasten a centralized police state on this country, average Americans must revitalize “the Militia of the several States”—again, even if in only one State to begin with. Although revitalizing the constitutional Militia in any State will entail much more work than enacting an electronic gold currency bill (or equivalent monetary reform), it ought to be accomplished first, if at all possible. For, unfortunately, the spread of monetary reform, of any variety, will likely be slow, because most people understand next to nothing about the problem, let alone its possible solution. Hyperinflation, on the other hand, can devastate this country in a very short period of time. And a police state can be sold to desperate, dumbed-down Americans as a “quick fix” for economic chaos. So, if the Militia are not revitalized before hyperinflation hits and a police state is set up, or before a police state is set up as the prelude to hyperinflation, the opportunity to revitalize the Militia may be lost forever. Whereas, if the Militia are revitalized first, they can serve as focal points for educating, organizing, and exhorting people on behalf of monetary reform, as a key component of “homeland security.” Therefore, as I am wont to emphasize, the Militia should be revitalized immediately, if not sooner. But, once again, only unrelenting grass-roots pressure can make that happen. And only zealous grass-roots organization can generate that pressure.
In aid of that, my first book-length treatment of the subject—Constitutional “Homeland Security,” Volume 1, The Nation in Arms—is now projected to be ready for distribution in late February of this year. It analyzes the problems of “homeland security” facing America, discusses the constitutional basis and authority of the Militia as the key components of true “homeland security” (as the Second Amendment puts it, “the security of a free State”), and proposes a method for grass-roots organizing to revitalize them.
Of these two steps, revitalization of “the Militia of the several States” should especially appeal to patriots for three very practical reasons:
First, as distinguished from monetary issues—discussions of which often bog down in the minutiae and obscurities of economic theory—the history, constitutional status, purpose, and especially present necessity of the Militia are easily understandable (as Constitutional “Homeland Security” will convince just about anyone). Intellectually, the Militia are for everyone.
Second, in some manner every able-bodied citizen not only should, but also can, actually participate in the Militia—and will have to if a national financial crisis breaks out. Institutionally, the Militia are for everyone.
Third, the Militia can educate, mobilize, and organize citizens on the vital issues of contemporary “homeland security,” but outside and independent of the platforms, structures, procedures, intrigues, manipulations, and most importantly control of the “two” major political parties. So, politically, too, the Militia are for everyone—or at least for every American of good will who wants to see this country preserved in consonance with the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.
The last point will be of great consequence to the ever-increasing number of Americans who recognize that: (i) the “two” parties are really one party, with two faces; (ii) elections are no more than endless repetitions of the “good cop, bad cop” routine, with the “two” parties switching roles whenever the Establishment wants to delude the voters into believing that casting ballots can bring about meaningful “reform;” and (iii) the one straight line in this farce is that Americans can “choose” only from among essentially fungible candidates. To be sure, there are several minor parties. But even if some of them are not simply deceptive accessories of the “two”- party racket, used to draw alienated activists into dark alleys and hopelessly Quixotic ideological crusades; and leaving aside that honest minor parties lend credibility and legitimacy to the corrupt political-party system that itself is this country’s major political problem; none of the minor parties is at all likely to obtain major-party status in time to divert this country’s course from disaster.
The Militia, distinguishably, are independent of and superior to all political parties, factions, and special-interest groups—because the Constitution explicitly recognizes their unique position and authority (which no political party enjoys), because they encompass every able-bodied adult citizen (which no political party can claim), and because every one of their members must fulfill a personal constitutional duty to preserve “the security of a free State” (which all too many members of today’s political parties are working to subvert). And, because of all this, the Militia can become major political forces in every State as soon as they are revitalized for their proper role in “homeland security”—as the Constitution requires them to be right now, and as can be done in any State by enacting a single piece of legislation.
That the Militia ought to become major political forces is self-evident. After all, We the People’s political self-defense demands no less. “Homeland security” requires, not only that foreign “terrorists” be thwarted, but also (perhaps especially) that every domestic faction be prevented from “clog[ging] the administration,” “convuls[ing] the society,” and “execut[ing] and mask[ing] its violence under the forms of the Constitution,” as James Madison warned that all factions would always attempt to do. The Federalist No. 10. So why should common Americans suffer the “two” parties—in reality, the special interests that control them both—to manipulate election after election without any real and significant competition? How can Americans ever change the course of today’s human events by participating in the very political machines—the “two” super-factions—the Establishment operates to generate mass political stupefaction and thereby prevent any change that might work to common Americans’ own interest?
The great virtue of the Militia in a political role is that the Militia can never operate as factions or parties, serving narrow and often anti-social special interests through the perversion of governmental powers. This is because: (i) Every member of the Militia has a constitutional duty to preserve “the security of a free State.” (ii) “[T]he security of a free State” demands enforcement of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. And (iii) the Constitution requires the General Government to “provide for the common defence” and “promote the general Welfare,” while the Declaration asserts that, even in service of these ends, the government may exercise “just powers” only. Whereas “common,” “general,” and “just” are adjectives that find no place in the lexicons of factions typically or of the “two” major political parties in particular.
Nonetheless, some people will complain that the plan I propose for revitalizing “the Militia of the several States” is too difficult for average Americans to undertake. They have neither the time, nor the knowledge, nor the skills, nor the experience that may be necessary, or so they say. Well, then, find the time—develop the knowledge and skills—and gain the experience. Now, while you still have the opportunity. What is the alternative? How easy or pleasant will it be to live in penury under a police state?
You are already searching the Internet and other alternative media on a regular basis. A good start! That alone, however, is not enough. True, it is self-education. But, by itself, it is merely passive political entertainment. Worse, it can degenerate into a merely vicarious, painless, sweatless electronic confrontation with the Establishment. It can allow one to imagine that he is doing something in the struggle, when he is merely observing what others are doing. Perusing the web sites that explain this and expose that, one may wrongly assume that, because he now knows the score, he need do nothing else. Knowledge by itself, though, is not power. Power comes from putting knowledge into practice. The most knowledgeable individual will always be impotent if he remains personally inactive, isolated, and without influence on others.
The simplest way to start turning knowledge into power is to form a local study group. Such a group should be neither too large nor too small: say, five to ten people who meet in private homes on a regular, convivial basis. People who know and have confidence in each other: relatives, friends, co-workers, neighbors, members of a church or of a veterans’ or fraternal organization, home-schooling parents. The group’s goals should be investigation, education, preparation, and finally—especially—patriotic political action. The members should pool their knowledge to discover the best sources of reliable information; to uncover and thoroughly understand what is wrong in their Locality, State, and Nation; and to determine what should be done to rectify the situation, what they themselves realistically can accomplish, and how they should go about doing it. In particular, the group should find and cultivate patriotic State legislators.
How often have we heard the adage, “it is better to light one candle than to curse the darkness?” True enough. But it does require someone’s striking a match. So start small, bite off only what you can chew, but in any event get SOMETHING accomplished soon, if it is merely identifying and putting into mutual contact as many patriots in your community as possible. Knowing who you all are is the first step in organization.
Anyone who is not a hermit can begin this modest program within a few days, in the comfort of his own home, and at very little cost. The participants will benefit themselves—but, even more importantly, with only a little effort they will be able to influence many more people through “networking.” For example, assume that each member of an initial group of five himself starts another group of five (so that each member of the initial group becomes a member of two groups); then the other four members of each of the second groups each starts another group of five—so that five become twenty five, twenty five become one hundred twenty five, and so on. Through this process, an extensive, but decentralized organization could develop and natural leaders emerge. And, eventually, groups of this type could evolve into the more specifically focused Citizens Homeland Security Associations that I propose as the basis for revitalizing “the Militia of the several States,” or into organizations aiming at monetary reform or promoting other kinds of urgently needed constitutional political activism.
Of greatest consequence, such a movement could have at least a chance of success, because its initiation and evolution would be entirely a “grass-roots” phenomenon that We the People controlled, not a “top-down” operation run by their enemies.
Of course, this is simply a suggestion emanating from my particular ivory tower. You may have a better idea. IN ANY EVENT, GET STARTED ON SOMETHING NOW, BEFORE IT IS TOO LATE. I hate saying “I told you so.” But I have told you so. For part 1 click below.
Click here for part -----> 1,
© 2007 Edwin Vieira, Jr.
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Edwin Vieira, Jr., holds four degrees from Harvard: A.B. (Harvard College), A.M. and Ph.D. (Harvard Graduate School of Arts and Sciences), and J.D. (Harvard Law School).
For more than thirty years he has practiced law, with emphasis on constitutional issues. In the Supreme Court of the United States he successfully argued or briefed the cases leading to the landmark decisions Abood v. Detroit Board of Education, Chicago Teachers Union v. Hudson, and Communications Workers of America v. Beck, which established constitutional and statutory limitations on the uses to which labor unions, in both the private and the public sectors, may apply fees extracted from nonunion workers as a condition of their employment.
He has written numerous monographs and articles in scholarly journals, and lectured throughout the county. His most recent work on money and banking is the two-volume Pieces of Eight: The Monetary Powers and Disabilities of the United States Constitution (2002), the most comprehensive study in existence of American monetary law and history viewed from a constitutional perspective. www.piecesofeight.us
He is also the co-author (under a nom de plume) of the political novel CRA$HMAKER: A Federal Affaire (2000), a not-so-fictional story of an engineered crash of the Federal Reserve System, and the political upheaval it causes. www.crashmaker.com
His latest book is: "How To Dethrone the Imperial Judiciary"
He can be reached at:
The simplest way to start turning knowledge into power is to form a local study group. Such a group should be neither too large nor too small: say, five to ten people who meet in private homes on a regular, convivial basis.